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Interviews - Karla Zimonja on Gone Home

After doing a few interviews for my research, I soon realised that people - no matter if they were designers, gamers or any other pertinent actor in the field of video games - tended to mention particular aspects of video games (their mechanics, their narratives, specific moments that were relevant to them somehow) in order to illustrate their points or explain to me what they wanted to convey. Most of the time they found very difficult to express what they were thinking and feeling in an abstract way, so they used particular references attached to gaming experiences to make their thoughts and emotions emerge. I thought then that it could be a good idea to try a new methodological approach: focus my attention on a particular video game, play it, see what was said about it on the Internet (gamers and critics) and, after analysing all that information, contact their developers and ask them about some of the main topics I found during the process. What you'll see in this new section is that conversation.


Today, the fabulous Karla Zimonja, co-founder of Fullbright, on Gone Home.



Daniel Muriel: In order to contextualise the interview, could you tell me something about yourself, about your academic and professional background? How and why did you end working in the video game industry?

Karla Zimonja: Sure, so let’s see. I went to school for animation. I have a degree in animation. I did some TV shows for a couple of years before a friend of mine, who was working at a game company in Massachusetts, was like: “We need an animator, do you know how to animate in 3D?” And I was like: “I know how to do stop motion!”, which is not the same – I tried it for a long time and try to make it the same but it’s not -, and I did some tests and it wasn’t that hard, and so they hired me (this was a long time ago). I was lucky enough that the studio was switching software. They were switching from Lightwave to Maya, so I got to learn along with everyone else, which was super convenient! Then I worked as an animator for a bunch of years and eventually I kind of burned out on it and started working at 2K Marin as a researcher and sound-tech-person-ish part-time, and I just started doing more and more things and then I got to be full-time and got to do a lot of different jobs. 

DM: Let’s talk about Gone Home then, right? Why did you decide to do a game like Gone Home? What did you expect to achieve with it?

K: Initially, I think, we just wanted to see if it would work! We wanted to see if we could make a game that was exploratory and interesting in first person without having any combat or puzzles, for that matter. We wanted to see how that would work as a game, and we thought we would like to play something like that, so we sort of hoped that other people would.

DM: Gone Home was released on, if I’m not mistaken, the 15th of August 2013… 

K: Yes!

DM: According to what you expected, how everything went, in your opinion? I’m speaking about its reception by both critics and gamers

K: More people cared about it than we assumed it would. We did not necessarily think it would be, you know, super noticeable. But I guess it did end up being that! We got a lot of really good responses and a lot of amazing emails by people who were really touched by it and stuff, and that was extremely good. 

DM: Are you satisfied then with the …?

K: Oh yeah, it’s hard to not feel something when someone writes to you and tells you that your video game gave them the courage to likes come out to their parents! 

DM: Did you receive a lot of emails or messages saying: “Well, this video game really touched me, or really was important for me”?

K: Yes, we got a surprising amount of emails that are just the sweetest. Yeah, totally! I think part of it is that if you care about something you will have the motivation to write about it, but if you’re really angry about something, you have to dig around and find someone's email, and it's effort, so we got very few horrible people emails and almost always very sweet emails from people who our game meant something to, which is great! I did have to block a lot of people on Twitter, but…

DM: I think that is unavoidable. According to those things you are telling me right now, what impact do you think Gone Home had on the people who played it? What would you say the main emotion people conveyed to you is?

K: There is a lot, because it’s one of those games that you have to kind of engage with it yourself, and on whatever level you happen to engage with it, that will determine your experience of it. There’s a certain range of responses that we definitely … let’s see, we got a surprising number, whenever we heard from guys, they’d be like: “I identify with dad”; we heard from women or young women or actually young men too sometimes - older men, they like dad - but younger men and queer people were often like: “We’re validated by this”, which is really nice. The responses we get are usually very supportive and personal. Not like comments on Steam [laughter]. We actually heard from some parents who played with their pre-teen, or whatever, teenage children, and it’s really cute, it’s really sweet! I think we got one email from a hardcore Christian who was like: “I can't allow my child to look at this.” But yeah, they have to be used to there being gay people in the world, so, sorry, guys! [laughter]

DM: Maybe Gone Home has helped some people to realise that as well.

K: Yeah, I hope so! That’s the thing about video games, they can give you experiences that you can’t have in real life, that you haven’t had, so it can be, hopefully, an experience that can add to someone’s conception of how people are in the world.

DM: When you were working on Gone Home, did you explicitly think about the people who were going to play the video game?

K: We did, because at the very least, we wanted to make it very accessible, so we didn’t want to make it hard for people who were new to first person video games. We did not want them to have a horrible time. We wanted to be able to get someone who says: “I don’t know how to play video games” and go: “Try it!” I think a thing that can be said is that it allows you to learn without pressure. Because there's no timing,  puzzles, there is nobody that is going to shoot you if you don’t do something right, etc. etc. So, we got a couple of emails from people that said like, “Now I know how to play first person video games, so I can go play Portal”, or what have you, and that’s cool! [laughter] So, accessibility is a thing. I think that’s actually one of the biggest things. We just wanted a wide range of people be able to play it. 

DM: Do you think it’s possible to design a video game without taking into account the people who are going to play it? 

K: Uhmm. I’m not sure. If you try to do that you probably just end up designing it to your own specifications. You would just make what’s comfortable for you... I don’t think you can completely abdicate. Something will be there.

DM: You received a lot of emails telling you about what people thought about your game, what impact it had on their lives. Now, in your opinion, what kind of impact would you like to have on them?

K: I feel like my favorite thing that I would like to see more of is older people playing it and realising how things can be different. It would be cool if people who needed it or who would be helped if they played it, although that’s not very specific.




DM: It’s about what you’d like to do with your video games, so I think that’s also something that’s very interesting: just someone who needs it. It’s a good answer!

K: There’s a lady player character, a lady protagonist, so even that might mean something. It seems like games should be at that point, but I don’t think we really are. So it’s nice to provide that to people and I hope that people are pleased.

Is Gone Home a video game?

DM: The status of Gone Home as a video game has been under scrutiny from the beginning, from both critics and gamers. Quoting Brian Crecente from Polygon: “Is Gone Home a video game? Gone Home is a game of exploration and narration, an effective vehicle for storytelling. But its lack of puzzles and combat, and the inability to lose or even change the outcome, have some questioning its gaming legitimacy.” I also found that others recognise that this is a game, but they would have liked to see more of game mechanics. There are also some gamers who say that it’s just an interactive fiction, or a walking simulator, a label which has been used with other games, or that the story of Gone Home could have been delivered as a book or as a film. What do you think about this? Is Gone Home a video game?

K: I don’t see why not. I think it’s a video game. I have no idea why it wouldn’t be. The thing that people don’t necessarily understand, I’m not even sure whether we understand it for ourselves, is that a lot of Gone Home's difficulty, the challenge, takes place in your head. It’s not an external challenge, it’s an internal challenge. You have to figure things out, you have to put pieces together, you have to use your intelligence, and your social intelligence. There’s obviously no way a video game can give you achievements for that, because that’s not possible. I think that it's moving where the challenge is, from dexterity-based skills or quickness to mental challenges. I think that is interesting and I feel like it’s perfectly challenging. It can be a big challenge to figure out what’s going on from disparate pieces of information. 

DM: It is very interesting because, right know, I have this written down, it was someone defending Gone Home as a video game, and this person said: “The game happens inside your head, as you start to piece together the scraps of information you’re getting”.

K: They’re exactly correct.

DM: That is actually what you were saying right now. 

K: They’re exactly right. I mean, it’s unusual, right? Except, that’s the thing with a lot of interactive fiction and Twine games and such, it's actually not dissimilar. So, I’m not insulted by people calling it interactive fiction at all! Because you are parsing the social and normal events, you’re thinking about them, you have to do work in order to engage with these works. Your work can be skill based, but it’s not manual skill based. It’s interesting. 
The other thing is, of course, that you drive your own experience of it. You just follow your own nose, your own interest. You get to follow where you’re interested in, so you can direct your own investigation, basically. You don’t have to find everything in order to understand most of the story. You can investigate to the depths you want to bother with, and stuff like that. It allows you to set your level of engagement, which is hard to do with a book. It’s about choosing your own path.

DM: There are a lot of people who firmly believe that this is a video game, of course. But they say that this is not a ‘classic’ video game. It’s something new. Was this something that you were looking for? Something that is not usual in the video game industry?

K: Oh, definitely! For one thing, we all worked on Bioshock games and we thought, can we do something like that where the world is interesting and want to find out about it, but also there’re no jerks trying to shoot you when you’re doing it? So you get to actually explore, like you want to, as opposed to exploring when you can, and shooting the rest of the time. That was kind of the seed of it, I think.

DM: There was a comment about the game, this person said that it’s a game that might appeal to people who don’t usually play video games. This grabbed my attention, because not only is Gone Home seen as a game, but it could be seen or understood as a device to turn people who don’t play video games into people who play video games. 

K: Yeah! I mean, yeah, it can, which I’m really pleased about. We are lucky to have been able to do that, because it is really nice to sort of open that door for people, letting them understand that they don’t have to be intimidated so much. You know, a first-person novice game player watches somebody playing something really fast paced and intense, and I think it's a lot easier for them to just say “Oh, I don’t know! You play it, I won't try.” If you let them learn the basic principles of moving and looking first, it can be a lot better experience, probably. Like I was saying earlier with the lady who said: “yeah, I played your game and now can I play Portal”, and I was like: “That’s really cool!”, because Portal was kind of amazing. Can you imagine, that your first real Triple A video game was Portal? [laughter] That is pretty cool! I love the fact that we can make our games accessible to people. It seems horrible to make games that exclude people. Obviously, there’s always more you can do, you can always do more for people who are disabled in various ways, you know, hearing impaired, sight impaired,  and there’s always more to be done.




DM: I know this could be a tricky question, but how would you define video games? Could you give me the definition of video games? 

K: Argg, uhmm, alright, let’s see. 

DM: I’m sorry but I have to ask this!

K: Let’s see. I sort of feel like anything that is interactive and has feedback that… ugh, that… ugh, this is so wrong! I hate this, I can’t define anything! I went to art school, people ask me: “What is art?” and I’m like: Nope! I don’t know how to do it.

DM: Every time I ask this question, people struggle to give me a definition of games. 

K: Someone can always be like: “Well, if you define it that way, then how is Photoshop not a video game?” I feel like in a lot of ways it’s kind of an ‘intent’ thing, much like defining art, like, did you intend this to be a work? And if so, it’s probably what it is! But, I’m not really picky about the definition of video games, shall we say? I think it could be very broad. 

DM: That’s the good thing of being a sociologist, because I don’t need to define the object, because I have to let the people do the defining, the social definition of video games. I don’t have to do these kinds of thing, so. [laughter] 

Trusting the player

DM: There was this interview with your colleague Steve Gaynor. He said that there was a deep trust in the player to explore and not to be told what to do in the game. Also, in another interview he said, and I quote: “You have to always try to think of what I would want if I were the player, I personally want a game that allows me to inhabit it without getting it all up in my face. Being hands off with a player and trust in them to discover what’s interesting about the game world on their own yields the best result in my opinion.” What does ‘trust the player’ mean to you?

K: We obviously agree pretty closely on that. To me personally, we need to allow the player to pull themselves forward, because if they’re not interested enough to do that, we screwed it up. [laughter] Your motivation is the strongest motivation. I could be like: “Hey, there is this cool coin over here, you can come collect it”, or I can just make this area look interesting and you want to come look at it. When you choose to do it yourself instead of being tricked into it, it’s a much better feeling and experience for the player, period. 

DM: Is the player explicitly identified as a fundamental agent responsible for making the narrative possible? Would you say that this story of Gone Home is enacted through the player?

K: Sort of? I think it’s reconstructed in a lot of ways. It’s less performed or enacted, and more reconstructed.

DM: So, you would say this is reconstructed.

K: In a way, yes, it’s reconstructed and understood, I guess. In some ways it’s kind of brought to life, but it’s brought to life by the player’s head, so, it’s a little bit squishy [laughter]. 

DM: What do you think about the criticism of some aspects of the game that seem not to trust the player that much. I’m going to tell you some examples. Someone mentioned locked doors… So I know there’s an option to play without any locked doors but well… They said the voice-over, the notes, the setting and the stormy night. For some there were these misleading horror elements. They have been depicted as being contrivances and ways to deceive the player. What do you think about this?

K: Well, it’s a lot of things. Mostly those things were necessary in some way or another, because we’re not perfect creators. The locked doors are there so that we can be sure that you got a chance to understand things more or less in order, in chunks. So that we can be reasonably sure people get this part of the narrative, and so after that they could go do another chunk, go nuts. Because it’s a difficult thing to ask of people: “Yeah, here's all these random ideas, figure it out!”. That’s a bit much. Atmospherically, I think we wanted to make it seem like a real life creepy house. Being alone in an empty house is kind of creepy all by itself, right? Some people who played a lot of horror video games are instantly like: “Alright, monsters, horrible things!”, and it’s kind of hard to walk that line, because the more experienced players have a different expectation than the less experienced players. I think we chose to favor the less experienced players in this case, because, I don’t know, they need more attention. We need to think about them more. 




DM: What is interesting for maybe more seasoned players is that, for instance, they expect something to happen and then there are no monsters there, but somehow I think that’s cool as well.

K: We repeatedly put details in to say: “Alright, you think this is scary? It’s not actually scary!” We did that a few times. But I think some people were freaked out anyway. 

Empathy

DM: One of the words that is usually associated with the game, by both critics and gamers, is ‘empathy’. There are a lot of people who recognise themselves in the characters, the stories, even if they don’t share many characteristics with them. There were people that were emotionally hooked by the game, people caring about the characters’ fate. How do you feel about this idea of empathy? 

K: It’s cool. It’s a good thing.

DM: Did you seek to have this particular effect on people?

K: Yes, totally, that is intended. It’s connected to the whole ‘video games allow you to have experiences that you couldn’t have otherwise’ thing. It’s like a grad school-age white dude gets to see what it’s like to think about the world of a teen girl in the nineties. That is … good? [laughter] Giving people other perspectives is good, I think that it is valuable by itself. Empathy, I think, will come if you try to make the characters relatable. 

DM: It’s very interesting the fact that a video game can help some people be in the shoes of other people. That is something that I think Gone Home really has achieved.

K: Thank you, that’s really nice!

DM: Really, because I’ve found a lot of comments. Even men, straight men. The game helped them to understand those situations.

K: I think we’re really good at empathy, as humans. It’s nice to be able to exercise that sometimes in video games. 

DM: Also, Steve mentioned that you achieved this notion of empathy by not telling too much about Katie, the character. To diminish the dissonance between the player and the player’s character. Do you think there are some limits when it comes to producing this empathy, diminishing this distance, because there is always going to be some distance between the person who’s playing and the character on the screen. 

K: Yeah, fair enough. So I think, in a lot of ways we were not necessarily going for empathy with Katie. It was more empathy with Sam, and we were trying to get you in the shoes of Katie, so you could have, basically, permission to have this knowledge and such. You have that basis, theoretically, for not feeling embarrassed for snooping [laughter]. I think Katie supposed to be there for the player to be able to inhabit as seamlessly as possible, but obviously she is not a totally unnamed protagonist, and she does have experiences in her past that the player doesn’t have and stuff like that. We tried to make it not get in the way.

DM: There is a moment in the game that you are reading some of Sam’s notes, and Katie says: “Stop, I don’t want to read this note.” I think it’s the first sexual encounter of Sam. This is the moment where you see, “Wow, the character is stepping in, right now Katie is doing something.” 

K: Yeah, that is the divergence. I thought that was fun, and I was actually really pleased to see, like, instantly people took screenshots! Which was really funny and cute. I think that’s fine, because that’s kind of a reminder of who you are in the game, and it’s mostly just a little fun thing.




The mundane texture of Gone Home

DM: Gone Home has been seen as an expression of the mundane and the ordinary, represented as being far from most of the core mechanics that usually define video games. Gone Home seems to radically embrace the quotidian texture of everyday life. For some that was disappointing but was celebrated by others. Gone Home is special because it's mundane; and it's mundane thanks to its peculiarity. What can you tell me about this idea of mundanity and ordinariness in Gone Home? 

K: Well it’s definitely mundane as fuck! [Laughter] There’s no argument about that. Honestly, the mundanity comes from trying to keep the world and its events really grounded and believable. If it wasn’t a believable style of furnishing and everything, it wouldn’t feel quite so plausible. We definitely wanted to make it possible for people instantly to think, “Oh, this is basically a real space!” It’s just keeping it as grounded as possible with things that you know what they are, you’ve seen them, your parents probably still have something like this. 

DM: Maybe that’s the reason that a lot of people empathise with the game, because it was so normal in a way that it could be anyone’s story. 

K: Well I hope that they can still do that without it, because our next game is totally not in a 90’s style [Laughter]. But anyway, yes, I hope people can also do it elsewhere, but I’m glad they had that experience. 

DM: One of the major things was the representation of homosexuality in the game. This is something that has been traditionally underrepresented in video games, probably in other fields of culture in general, but why did you decide to use this as part of the story?

K: We decided that kind of procedurally. When we already decided, “Ok, we have enough people on the team to maybe make a house”, and then we thought “Who lives in the house? Probably a family. What problems, what conflicts can families have?” That was one of the more interesting ones. We decided that we wanted a female lead pretty early, and so, you know, it just came out of that. There were things we cared about by default and then things we were constrained by. 

DM: People who define themselves as queer, especially among critics, usually praise the game. There were some of them who thought that Gone Home was stereotyped and stigmatizing, how it portrayed the homosexual community. Is this something that annoys you?

K: I mean, there is nothing I can do about it. 

DM: But do you think it is fair what they are saying?

K: The thing is with writing a story or having a game that concerns itself with a group of people that doesn’t get much media, when you do that, you can only make one thing. And so everyone from that community wants to see themselves, of course, because who doesn’t? But it’s really hard to provide that to everyone. And that is sad and difficult, but we only made one game and that was what we could make. We were very careful to interview people and get personal experiences that we then based parts of the story on, and we put in the effort to make the story authentic -- a lot of parts of it happened to real people that we know. And if that comes off as cliché to some people then they have probably all lived it or they know a lot of people that lived it and that is kind of rough. But I don’t think you can write anything that will include everyone! 

DM: Well, that’s impossible. Did you interview people to make the game, to get the story of it? That is quite interesting! Why and how did you do this research?

K: We contacted people that we knew or sort of knew and did interviews with them and we got stories from people. We interviewed two women who are married, for example. They got together in high school, so there’s a lot of relevant stuff to our story, and they had a lot of really good personal details that were extremely interesting. They had a lot of great stuff! And there's a lot of other little things, like this person I know, she had a not-great experience coming out to her parents and a lot of her specific retelling of what her parents said was so instructive. We tried to ground what we were writing in that, in those lived experiences. I mean, it’s very important to go and do your research when you’re depicting something that is not something that you went through yourself. 




DM: Is this something usual in the video game industry?

K: It’s not as common as it should be. Some people are more excited about it than others. I believe strongly in research, because I can never come up with anything that great on my own [laughter], so I need something to point me in the right direction and to constrain things a little bit. When you research you always find just infinite things that you had no idea about, and had you not found things that you didn’t know existed, your work would be much more shallow and  it wouldn’t be as good, it wouldn’t be as real. So, if you want to make things believable and real, research is really important! 

DM: I find it quite fascinating what you are telling me. How do you translate all that information that you collect during your research into the game? How do you create a character and a story and so on? With Gone Home specifically, but if you can tell me more about other things I would be very pleased.

K: We recorded interviews with people and we all listened to them and discussed what elements we could portray and what details we could change so it’s not too personal etcetera, things like that. We read everything we could that was available to us. I was not into that world in the 90’s, so I didn’t really have it available in my head. So I read books on it, and I read interviews with people who were out at that time. We went to some Goodwill shops and went to some thrift shops and took pictures of horrible furniture and we would say: “My mom had this!” or “My grandmother had this!” and we didn’t remember until we saw it. We actually got a Sears catalogue that… it used to be, once upon a time you’ll get these big thick catalogues in the mail, especially for Christmastime, and they would have a lot of expensive garbage you could buy. There was a toys section, I used to look at that when I was a little kid and be like: “Look at all the toy horses!” or whatever, but it has a whole bunch of other stuff that I never looked at when I was a kid, which is furniture from that time. We got an amazing old catalogue from eBay, and it was just amazing, like there is everything. I guess we were a little young in the actual time period to really take it all in aesthetically -- there were a lot of objects in the catalogue where we said “I remember this, but I wouldn’t be able to recreate it without this specific photo”. It would have been vague, you know? And vagueness kind of doesn’t cut it at all. Nowadays we, both Steve and I, do a fair bit of research as we go, and discuss it and figure out what we can use. There is always so many different avenues to explore, there is always something we can learn from basically anything. 

DM: I think it’s very important for you that the game would depict a world that was plausible, authentic, relatable. Because I think that you’ve said “We are researching a lot about this, we have to put this that seems to be authentic, the authentic experience, all what is plausible…” Why is that? Why were you so keen to put all that on the game?

K: I personally feel that you can only get to the general via the specific. I think you have to be specific about things in order for people to be able to parse it, because details in the real world are specific. You can’t say that someone is always angry and really understand it until you see them being always angry, right? This is not quite how our brains work. I think, for people to engage in the way that I personally like the best, is through specificity. Because I don't think you can please everyone, you can’t make a thing that is generic and widely applicable to everyone, really. You can in some situations, I’m sure there are ways in which that would work, but that’s not our particular thing. We kind of have to choose a path, and so we'd rather choose one that’s real, I guess. 

DM: Part of the story is about sexual abuse, I mean, the one that hints it, because it’s not a direct story there. There are hints that the father might have been abused by his uncle. I think this is something that wasn’t discussed as much as other parts of the story, but it still was there. Why didn’t you introduce this more explicitly?

K: I think that more explicit would have been really ghastly. I feel like stuff that is very strongly terrible is much better as a hint than fully explicated. It’s not something that we would want to be a major part of our game, because it would be horrible. It was a little side story that you can unearth if you’d like. I don’t think it would have worked very well if we made it more central.




DM: But, it’s there, it’s quite brave of you introducing that. In video games it’s something that you cannot see… I was going to say frequently, but I’ve never seen something like that in a video game! 

K: I guess that’s another reason to have a light touch with it. There is … uhm, yeah, ugh, I can’t even explain it! The idea of going into it more is just horrible. I feel like the implication that sometimes this is part of people’s lives, something awful that they have to deal with, is more important than describing events like that. There's a big difference between a story centrally about a person making choices and living her life and a story about someone who has had no choice but to be traumatized.

DM: There are other topics that appear in the game over there, like infidelity, even suicide. In hindsight, you see that you approached a lot of controversial topics in the game. But I was also thinking: “But at the same time, these are themes/issues that are mundane as well.” Do you think that the video game is the medium to deal with these issues or is just the expression of those everyday life concerns?

K:  I don’t think we were going for any lessons. For me, with stuff like this, the most important part is allowing people to understand why the characters are doing what they're doing, or feeling. It’s not about making statements about abuse, or infidelity. It’s more about understanding what it means -- why would a person make these decisions, how does this change their life? These are more important things to me, rather than trying to give someone a morality story. 

Identity and community within video game culture

DM: Just the last set of questions, I promise. Would you define yourself as a gamer?

K: Me?

DM: Yes.

K: Would I define myself as a gamer? I don’t know, not really. I mean, I play games, but I don’t house a significant part of my identity within that. 

DM: That is the interesting thing, because what role, do you think, video games play in your life, in your identity?

K: Uhm… identity-wise I feel like it only comes out in terms of something to talk about people with. Otherwise it’s kind of not quite relevant. Like, whatever, I’m playing Pillars of Eternity right now. That doesn’t make me a gamer! [laughter] I don’t know, I’m playing a game, it’s fine. It’s something I do rather than something I am. 

DM: But you are working in the video game industry, so you work creating video games, is that not a part of your identity as well? In that sense, I won’t say that means that you are a gamer, but it’s something that video games are attached to your life.

K: Yeah, that’s fine. Again, it’s something I do, rather than something I am. That does not strike me as an intrinsic part of myself. I mean, I make video games, I do it, I am not made of video game! You know what I mean? [Laughter] I don’t know, I have a hard time saying: “I am this”, it’s a little bit weird for me. If somebody said to me “you play games, you’re a gamer”, I'd say “ok sure, fine”, I'm not gonna get real upset about it. I’m just not going to put it that way for myself, I think. 

DM: Do you think there is a community of gamers?

K: You mean, in the world?

DM: Yes, like in the world, some people have told me there might be some community of gamers in general but also a community of gamers, specific communities of gamers.

K: I mean, surely, there are. There are a lot of people that treat it as a significant part of their lives and hobby and everything. People who play multiplayer games together and stuff like that, and that is obviously very community based. There is a lot of people who get together and try to solve problems in games together and stuff like that. I don’t see why there shouldn’t be. If people want to do that, there is no reason they can’t! [laughter]

DM: But you do not feel like you belong to a community of gamers. 

K: Well, I don’t know, I never thought about it. I don’t know whether I’d define it that way, but also like, I mean, I can discuss games with people, does that make me part of a community? I mean, I don’t really know [laughter].

DM: Last question. Do you think there is a video game culture in our society, in general? 

K: A culture… what does that mean? So, ok, what is 'culture' here? What is that? Is it an aspect of some sort of structure that …

DM: Do you think that nowadays video games has become more and more important in our society? A part of a culture in general, is it part of our society? That’s my question. 

K: So you are saying “is it part of our culture in a broad way”? 

DM: Yes.

K: Sure, why not? I don’t see why not. Movies are, why shouldn’t games be? That sounds fine. 

DM: Do you think that this is something that is starting to be more important? I’m not only speaking about only the numbers, obviously the video game industry is growing, but I’m also thinking about people now, even if they don’t play video games, they are starting to recognise symbols or some aspects of video game culture in general, like “Oh, that’s Minecraft!” or “That’s Pacman!”, those kinds of things. Is it starting to get embedded into our culture?

K: Sure. It’s the same as like Marvel movies, there’s people going around all “I’m wearing a Hawkeye t-shirt! I didn’t really know who Hawkeye was before I saw the movie, but now I like Hawkeye!" and I’m like “That’s cool!” Whatever, right? That’s fine! Games are definitely pretty visible now in more ways than they used to be.
















You might be interested in having a look at this three-stage Gone Home review:
Flash Sociological Reviews: Gone Home (part 1: the media)
Flash Sociological Reviews: Gone Home (part 2: personal experience)
Flash Sociological Reviews: Gone Home (part 3: video gamers)

Other Interviews:
Mark Foster on Titan Souls (Acid Nerve, Devolver Digital, 2015)

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Sociology of short facts: Watch Dogs and the post-identity



It was one the first weeks of my - recently then - move to Manchester in 2014. The, I cannot recall the number, new edition of Big Brother was on TV. The show barely amuses me anymore, but my attention was grasped by a particular set of events I was witnessing. I'm not sure if this is something that has been happening in recent editions of the show, but surely it was new for me. Every time someone entered the house, it was preceded by a description of the future guest using three short facts that were also superimposed on the screen. Things like 'he is afraid of failure' or 'she loves dogs'. Can we be defined by a number of short statements? Is that how identity formation works today? Far from letting the thought cast away, I lingered on it.

I've been playing Watch Dogs lately, and the question of how identities are constructed nowadays - what I've been asking myself all my whole career as academic - has strongly come back to me with new arguments. In the universe of Watch Dogs, there this Orwellian surveillance system called ctOS (of course, this is not how they promote it to the general public), which can access and control any electronic device or element that is digitally governed (from smartphones and computers to steam pipes and explosives). The system is constantly recording and storing what you say, what you do, what you write; everything that can be grasped through those devices that surround us in our everyday lives. Any similarity with reality is... mere coincidence? We live in a postpanopticon era, indeed. The Foucauldian panopticon - thanks to its success - has exploded, as if had been shattered into countless little fragments that would still maintain intact their ability to watch. Nothing escape the multiple and fragmented eye of this particular Big Brother.

What really caught my eye in the game was, again, those defining short facts. Whenever I used my profiler (a hacking tool that allows you to access the guts of ctOS), a myriad of information about the people who was around me was popping up on my screen. Yet again, sentences such as 'Joined aerophobia group', 'Dyslexic', 'Cited for animal cruelty' or 'Explosives expert' were frantically appearing and disappearing in front of my eyes. Everything was also accompanied by information on their age, occupation and income. Matching all this data would be very interesting, but in this case I'm going to focus on those short facts.

Let's have a closer look at the issue by delving deeper into some examples. I've decided to group them in different categories to facilitate the analysis. It's important to notice that the way I classified the cases is not excluding and may feel clumsy, but it's part of the point I will make. This is only a rough summary of a more detailed analysis I will carry out in a future entry. Keep an eye on it because it's a very interesting sociological experiment.

Old(-ish) modalities of identity
This category encompasses those cases I consider they are part of the old pool of identity: nationality, ethnicity, family, work, gender, class, and so forth. However, we will find that something has changed; even the old modalities of identity show flaws, they are not as closed, strong and indisputable as they were. It reflects the profound changes and contradictions in the process of identity construction nowadays. There are no more taken for granted positions. It includes things like class ('Descended from aristocracy', 'Owns a castle in Wales'), ethnicity ('One-eight Kickapoo'), nationality ('Romanian immigrant', 'Dual citizen'), work ('Freelancer', 'Part-time paparazzi') or family ('Divorced', 'Single parent')

Beliefs, and political and religious stances
This could have been one of the categories within the traditional modes of identity, but the game seems to pay especial attention to political and religious content. We have here, then, a sample of the complex and disarranged system of beliefs that belongs to Watch Dogs' universe. This includes religion ('Religious conservative', 'Listed as agnostic on census', 'Jainist'), political stances ('Islamophobe', 'Member of eugenics group', 'Anti-capitalist blogger', 'Advocate for euthanasia'), and philosophical and existential views ('Objectivist', 'Nihilist', 'Superstitious').




Skills and abilities
To define someone by his or her expertise is a sign of how identities are constructed nowadays. Actually, this only makes sense in a widely extended expert culture that permeates society. In the end, people who are defined by what they know or what they can do.

The skills and abilities stressed by ctOS perfectly fit in the context of our contemporary societies. If we live in a digital age (Kirby, 2009; Gere, 2008), it seems to be reasonable to be defined by facts like 'Proficient with computers' or 'Amateur App Programmer'. Of course, there is still place for old modes of expertise ('European history expert') along with useful multi-purpose skills for the world of globalisation like 'Explosives expert' and 'Speaks multiple languages'.


Hobbies and passions
In a world where play and work are intertwined in different ways, and the time and space for leisure and other activities are less differentiated than ever, hobbies and passions are likely to be relevant when it comes to defining our identities. Depending on the level of engagement and experience acquired through these hobbies, individuals might develop a particular expertise in the field. In a way, this is strongly linked to skills and abilities but I will focus on the idea of what we love and are passionate about, which includes spectacles ('Amateur magician', 'Amateur choir soubrette'), the occult ('Cthulhu enthusiast', 'Amateur ghost hunter'), the unique ('Foreign film enthusiast', 'Renaissance fair enthusiast'), the banal ('Car enthusiast', 'Yoga enthusiast', 'Knitting enthusiast'), fandom ('Soccer fan', 'Basketball season pass holder'),  and collectionism ('Comic book collector', 'Collects arcade cabinets').

Illegalisms and other faults
When Foucault, in his Discipline and Punish (1995), approached how western societies have historically dealt with illegalisms, he came to a (maybe not that) shocking conclusion: despite the dominant discourse that shrouds imprisonment institutions (as any other confinement institution), the final aim of prisons is not to rehabilitate the convicted but to mark them as criminals as part of an economy of bodies that maintains them under control. It serves more as a tool to govern society as a whole than to help to  those who enter the prison system. Therefore, do illegalisms have an impact on our identities? More than that; they brand the individual by leaving a mark on the deep skin of their identity. 

In a world obsessed with surveillance and crime prevention, slowly slipping towards a dystopic future not even imagined by Orwell or Huxley, this looks like a very appropriate way to categorise people. This includes bans ('Banned for local gym', 'Banned from local church'), driving issues ('Multiple unpaid tickets', 'Drives without license'), documents ('Expired work visa', 'False identity on library card', 'Holds a fake degree'), suspicions ('Suspect in hit-and-run',  'Suspected arsonist'), justified crimes ('Assaulted high school bully', 'Assaulted client for refusing to pay'), and financial debts and fines ('Multiple outstanding loans', 'Fined for indecent exposure').

Defined by your past
As someone who has studied the links between cultural heritage and identity, I am in the position to state that we are what we are thanks to, up to a great extent, what we were (or what we think we were). The fact that we can identify what we used to be is actually demarcating what we are now or what we are starting to become (even if it's not clear at the moment). ctOS seems to characterise some people according to what they were in the past, as though it were so overwhelming that it would not let space for new identity formations. Among these past definitions we find things such us 'Made porn film in college', 'Former child prodigy', 'Ex-military' and 'Former chess champion'.


Traumatic events
Traumatic events are a subset of particular incidents from the past that define yourself today. Identities are, more or less, the set of marks imprinted on our bodies, minds and souls. We are born with some of them; others are acquired and disposed during our lifetime. There are those that are deep and indelible, while others are superficial and fleeting. Traumatic events are scarring and leave ugly and irreversible marks on the surface of our identities. Examples of this are 'Victim of childhood abuse', 'Got his niece killed', 'Grandparents fled East Germany', 'Attempted suicide', and 'Disaster survivor'.

Losses, absences and non-existences
In the same way that you can be defined by what you were as much as what you are, you can be defined for what you lack as much as for what you have. Absences can be trivial or traumatic, but all of them have substantial defining properties. It's the significant absence. Sometimes, the emptiness left by a loss is more powerful than any presence. Events ranging from 'Lost front teeth in a fight', or 'Phone reported stolen' to 'Presumed dead' (your existence defined by a non-existence) belong to this group.

Illnesses and other health conditions
Illnesses, like illegalisms, are part of those taxonomic operations that segregate the abnormal from the normal (Gordon, 1991: 37) in the collective imagination of the modern citizenship. We living in societies that have a vast knowledge of thousands of different illnesses and other health conditions, it is almost impossible not to suffer from one or several conditions during our lifetime. We are so traversed by these diseases nowadays that illnesses do not play that segregating role typical of modern societies anymore. The healthy and the sick are not easily told apart; there are different shades of healthiness or sickness. 

It seems that ctOS has an interest in highlighting particular illnesses and conditions: sex related ('Dignosed with STD', 'Medicated for low libido'), phobias ('Self-diganosed with aquaphobia, 'Gymnophobic'), addictions ('Alcoholic'), potentially deadly illnesses ('Terminally ill', 'HIV positive', 'Diagnosed with hepatitis C', 'Undergoing chemotherapy', 'Early stages of sclerosis multiple'), allergies ('Allergic to bee stings', 'Lactose intolerant', 'Alergic to chocolate'), mental illness ('Diagnosed manic depresive', 'On medication for schizophrenia', 'Dignosed bipolar', 'Sociopathic tendencies'), other health conditions ('Myopic', 'Narcoleptic', 'Haemophilia carrier', 'Suffers from motion sickness', 'Dyslexic', 'Medicated for blood pressure'). 

Sex and relationship issues
Sexual practices and the way we engage in relationships are fundamental parts of what we are and how we think of ourselves. It implies one of the most carnal and affective activities of human beings. They shake our bodies and minds; they are feral and cerebral at the same time. This includes the modes of building sexual or affective relationships ('Engages in prostitution', 'Speed dater'), affairs ('Having affair with married woman', 'Having affair with co-worker'), or sexual practices ('Self-proclaimed necrophiliac', 'Practices S&M').






The specific and the regular
Even if it sounds contradictory, individuals can be identified both  for very particular episodes (the specific) and for what they normally do (the regular). The regular encompasses things like 'Meditates regularly', 'Collects coupons', 'Runs DDoS attacks',  or 'Habitual steroid user'. The specific, however, is more volatile and makes reference to things such as 'Attacked by drunk patron', 'Negotiating rent with landlord', 'Recently ordered human tissue samples', and 'Has multiple computer viruses'.


Consumption and searches
Consumerism and consumer culture are one of the most noticeable features of postmodernity. According to Bauman, the 'way present-day society shapes up its members is dictated first and foremost by the need to play the role of the consumer' (2005: 24). Therefore, our identities are increasingly demarcated by what we consume. That also explains why identities have become fragmented, multiple and ephemeral. Watch Dogs is not oblivious to this global tendency and thus shows us consumption patterns ('Purchases penis enlargement pills', 'Downloads pirated media', 'Frequent purchases: mask', 'Frequently purchases condoms'), what is frequently watched ('Frequently watches torture porn', 'Frequently watches documentaries', 'Frequently watches westerns', 'Frequently watches reality shows'). Furthermore, and bringing this practice to digital age, ctOS also displays frequently visited websites ('Frequents paranormal sites', 'Frequents hacker sites', 'Posts voyeur videos online') and online searches ('Frequent online searches: "Rape"', ''Frequent online searches: "Blume"', "'Frequent online searches: "how to cook meth"', 'Frequent online searches: "Bicurious"').



Video games
Although all of the following short facts could be easily placed within other categories, I've decided to introduce them in this particular section because of its reflexivity (it's a video game after all!). Here we can find things such as 'NVZN beta tester', 'Attends games conference', 'MMORPG enthusiast', 'Addicted to social gaming', and 'Avid video game player'.


Extreme and absurd 
As if the very idea of defining someone by a short fact was not (sort of) absurd enough, I've created this group to highlight those descriptions that seemed to be especially extreme ('Buried victims beneath his house', 'Experiment with cannibalism', 'Fishes with dynamite'), absurd ('Maintains blog about "bucket lists"', 'Runs with the bulls in Spain', 'Sober') or irrelevant ('Uses computer library for internet', 'Uses birthday as password').





Before I continue with my argument, let's have a look at the following classification:
In its distant pages it is written that animals are divided into (a) those that belong to the emperor; (b) embalmed ones; (c) those that are trained; (d) suckling pigs; (e) mermaids; (f) fabulous ones; (g) stray dogs; (h) those that are included in this classification; (i) those that tremble as if they were mad; (j) innumerable ones; (k) those drawn with a very fine camel's-hair brush; (1) etcetera; (m) those that have just broken the flower vase; (n) those that at a distance resemble flies (Borges, 1999: 231).
I have to admit that every time I read this classification of animals (a fictional account extracted from the vivid imagination of Borges,  who attribute it to a a certain Chinese encyclopaedia) it makes me laugh. The list is disconcerting, if not hilarious. Why does this classification have that effect on us? Foucault, at the beginning of his The Order of Things and after bringing up this delirious classification, concludes that, when confronted with other systems of thought, we start to understand the limits of our own: 'the stark impossibility of thinking that' (1989: xvi). That extravagant classification belongs to a different fundamental form of knowledge, what Foucault called episteme, which makes think within its limits impossible for us:
In any given culture and at any given moment, there is always only one episteme that defines the conditions of possibility of all knowledge, whether expressed in a theory or silently invested in a practice (Foucault, 1989: 183).
The episteme delimits the space of the thinkable inside a particular society at a specific time. The further you move from those temporal and spatial coordinates, the greater is the possibility of coming across a different ground of positivity. In a way, the astonishment that probably most people feel when they read some of the short facts that ctOS insist on throwing to our screens could be explained by that approach. It shows the seams of our old episteme in its transition to the new conditions of possibility, where the way we think about identities is radically changing. That's also why the cases I selected could have been classified differently and they would have made equal (non)sense. In fact, the central issue here is that those solitaire descriptions escape any attempt to classify them.

Thus, why does a system like CToS, which knows everything about everybody, highlights those specific facts? In terms of identity, why should very specific aspects of someone's life define them or be relevant aspects of him or her? My hypothesis here is there are no longer core elements that define identity in contemporary societies; the old coordinates by which people was understood (nation, gender, class) have been decentred, and now new elements, almost randomly, are becoming as important as them in order to define someone's identity. That would explain, for instance, why our most frequent searches on the Internet might be as important for our processes of identity formation as the illnesses we have. Or why having our computer infested with viruses is as relevant as being a suspected arsonist.

The important question is, then, whether it is possible to be defined by one short fact or not. Once our identities seem not to be attached to specific meta-narratives, other fragments of meaning, more and more specific and global at the same time, are occupying the stage of identity. That's the reason we are defined by what pops up in that moment, by what is relevant at that point: it can change at any time, with new events, when you are in different contexts, with different people; it can change the same day several times, in a continuous overlapping process. What ctOS does is to highlight what matters in that moment, what is relevant for the time and place being. Precisely because we cannot be defined by something that encompasses everything we are, we can be defined by anything that describes us in particular moment. The very notion of identity is being challenged. We are entering in a post-identity era.

I don't know who the people behind the sociological design of Watch Dogs are. How did they come up with that almost infinite list of possible identity definitions? I would be more than pleased to meet them. There has been some criticism about the game's story, depicting it as dull and not appealing enough. In this sense, some of the mechanics have been criticised for not being completely original and for not having made the most of the hacking features in the game. That might be the case, I am not a video game critic. What I am sure of is Watch Dogs has perfectly understood how identity, or what comes after it, works these days.

Bibliography

  • Bauman, Zygmunt (2005). Work, Consumerism and the New Poor. Maidenhead: Open University Press.
  • Borges, Jorge Luis (1999). Selected Non-Fictions. London: Penguin.
  • Foucault, Michel (1989). The Order of Things. London: Routledge.
  • Foucault, Michel (1995). Discipline and Punish. London: Vintage Books.
  • Gere, Charlie (2008). Digital Culture. London: Reaktion Books
  • Kirby, Alan (2009). Digimodernism. New York: Continuum
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Candy Crush Parliament: video game culture in the age of multitasking


Recently, I have come across two interesting pieces of news. The first one, from December 2014, related how the conservative Amber Valley MP, Nigel Mills, was playing Candy Crush Saga on his iPad while in a parliamentary committee meeting on pension reforms. The second one described how the Deputy Speaker of the Spanish Parliament, Celia Villalobos, was also playing a game on her tablet during the 2015 State of the Nation Debate, which took place on 24 and 25 February (it seems that, in the end, she was  playing Frozen Free Fall instead of Candy Crush Saga). There is even a video of her playing it:


Beyond the reproachable behaviour of these members of the public who are supposed to represent the citizens of their nations, those situations are symptomatic of two, in a way, interrelated things: video game culture is a growing reality nowadays and we live in an age of multitasking that consists of an infinite lapse of undifferentiated time.

It is widely accepted that mobile devices have brought video gaming to a new level, expanding the formerly reserved territory of gamers to new social spaces where more varied sorts of people play video games. Those articles are a good example of it. Two conservative politicians, one a middle age man and the other a senior woman, play on their tablets. But they don't play Candy Crush Saga or Frozen Free Fall anywhere; they are doing it in the parliament, where the sovereignty of the people resides. Moreover, they're playing while working.

This is one of the most noticeable features of this growing video game culture; people play video games everywhere at any time: commuting, watching TV, between classes, in the bathroom, waiting for something or someone, and during any other spare moment they have. We fill those inter-times - the moments we have between the significant and proper tasks - tapping or swiping on our smartphones or tablets. However, consciously or not, we went further. We have started playing while we are doing - or pretending to do - important and relevant things. The multitasking age has arrived.

Our lives have become a set of open tasks that are happening at the same time. We continually jump from one to another in the same fashion as we do between tabs in front of our computer. We don't need to finish a task to initiate another one or to continue with others that are already in progress. Time has lost its linearity and usefulness as a tool for organising our lives:
Without a doubt, modernity was progressively founded on a very mechanical conception of time. Useful time, strictly lineal time, projective time. Time of individual and social history. Time with a beginning and an end, and whose hegemony seems to have done tabula rasa with any other notion of time (Maffesoli, 2001: 66-67).
It seems that today's world has done tabula rasa with time itself. According to Maffesoli, presentism has been installed in our societies, in which we don't consider that 'there are things that are more important than others' (2001: 68). In everyday life, if nothing is important, then, everything is important. We cannot differentiate between spaces, times and activities anymore. We play while working, we work while play. It is even difficult to say what belongs to the field of work or what is supposed to be playful. As Maffesoli states, a ludic conception of society has been generalised: 'The game of the world, or the world as a game. Life as a game is the acceptance of a world as it is' (2001: 80). 

In the end, our reality has turned into a perpetual sequence of overlapped inter-times. Time without beginning or end. Irrelevant time, only disturbed by the next deadline. An eternal deadline that nobody meets. And in the meantime, we play video games.

'I shall try not to do it in the future,' declared the MP Nigel Milles when questioned about his slip-up. He didn't say 'I won't do it again' or 'It won't happen again'. He will try. We know what will happen, don't we?

Bibliography

  • Maffesoli, Michel (2001). El instante eterno [The Eternal Instant]. Buenos Aires: Paidós.
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The construction of a video gaming audience


A sign that video games are becoming central to understand our contemporary cultural forms is their increasing presence in the media. Not only have the specialised magazines on video games grown in numbers - particularly online, but also the traditional press already includes specific sections dedicated to video games. 

Magazines have historically played an important role in the formation of early gaming culture, as it was stated by Kirkpatrick (2012) in his Bourdieusian analysis of UK's video game magazines in the 1980s and 1990s: ‘Through the development of a discourse of game evaluation, gaming acquires independence and begins to define itself as a cultural practice’. When this discourse is broaden and inserted into the general-interest newspapers and media, the specific gaming culture starts to blur its boundaries and to affect larger portions of society, generating multitude of video game-related cultures and practices. Nevertheless, if there is a media on which video games have naturally proliferated, that should be, undoubtedly, the Internet.

YouTube, for instance, is packed with gaming channels. In fact, the YouTube channel that has more subscribers is a gaming related one, which is owned by the user PewDiePie, that is, the Swedish Youtuber personality Felix Arvid Ulf Kjellberg. Currently, his Let’s Play - and many other things to be honest - focused channel has more than 34 million subscribers.

Ramdurai states on Think with Google that among the top 100 YouTube channels worldwide are more than 20 that are gaming related. He shows more data that demonstrates video games are one of the most important audiovisual apparatuses nowadays: ‘YouTube data shows that six of the top ten most-viewed channels in the U.S. are about gaming’. Video games are a central aspect of today’s YouTube generation.

More relevant is the relatively recent creation of a specific broadcasting platform for video games on the Internet: Twitch. I already wrote about it on this post. It was launched on June 2011 and was purchased by Amazon in August 2014 for $970 million. According to Twitch, they have an average of 60 million visitors per month. Twitch basically consists in people watching other people playing video games. Someone creates a channel, starts playing a video game and broadcasts it live. Then, other people can join the channel and watch him or her playing, while they comment on a chat with other viewers (and the person who is playing, who might make references to those comments) and have the opportunity of following, subscribing (paying) or donating to the broadcaster. Moreover, in December 2014, the biggest digital distribution platform in the world, Steam, launched its own broadcasting service.

All of these examples are suggesting that a video game audience has been created. Not only is there an imagined community (Anderson, 2006) of potential gamers that can be represented as an audience of players in a broad sense, the ones who consume and receive a product, but there is also a very particular audience who explicitly seek to watch others play and know more about video games by becoming knowledgeable in that area. It is, indeed, the construction of a more traditional notion of audience, that is, ‘watching others perform’ (Crawford, 2012: 34).

This undermines, as if it was not already undermined enough, the idea that video games do not have an audience. When Eskelinen and Tronstad affirm that video games are audienceless is because they consider that video games ‘don’t need audiences as an integral part of their “communication” structure’ (2003: 196). This reluctance to admit the existence of video game audiences relies on a strict ergodic - the requirement of nontrivial efforts beyond mere interpretations (2003: 197) - approach to video games, which refuses to conceive them as media or to admit that video games can have some characteristics that have been traditionally associated with media such as television, cinema, music or literature. This approach is ignoring essential aspects of video games that are not ergodic or purely interactive (a problematic notion, why should not we consider interpretation as a kind of interactive action?), like ‘map screens, score or lap-time feedback screens and so on’ (Newman, 2002). Crawford expands this not just to cut-scenes and on-rail video game experiences, classic examples of players as simple spectators, but also to the ‘visual- and audio-scapes present in standard video game play’ (Crawford, 2012: 34). Players watch at least as much as, but probably more than, interact with the game. Even the act of watching could be considered a form of interactivity and, undoubtedly, watching is an indissociable part of playing a video game.
The idea of video games as audienceless has always been weak, but now, there are powerful reasons to affirm that there is a vast and massive audience of video gamers. It is also noteworthy to mention that this video game audience goes beyond the specific, yet large, group of video gamers. According to a Google Consumer Survey  (cited in Ramdurai) fielded in October 2014, only a 37% of a group of people who watched gaming videos on YouTube considered themselves gamers. Video game culture is reaching society as a whole. The fact that video games are starting to occupy a central position in the media, especially those that belong to the so called new information and communication technologies, is another argument to support the idea of the emergence and consolidation of video game culture.


Bibliography
[An extended version of this post in Spanish can be found here at Zenhgames]
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Videogames and Sociology: Twitter's pic of the day summary (41-45)

This is the ninth round of Pic of the day RECAP (41-45). To understand what all of this is about, check out the original entry.

41 - Max Payne 3:  There was always something rotten in the air
In one of the most wonderfully unsettling scenes in the history of TV series, an aged agent Cooper sits in the centre of the Red Room accompanied by The Man from Another Place (a dwarf in a red suit) and a ghostly Laura Palmer. Actually, it's not the most unnerving sequence of Twin Peaks, but in that weird dream-like state takes place a very chilling short conversation: "Where we're from, the birds sing a pretty song and there's always music in the air". Is this a metaphor of the fact that Laura Palmer lies in her grave? Are the birds the ones singing in the cemetery? Is the music in the air the cracking sound of the casket slowly collapsing under the weight of soil? When an also aged Max Payne pronounced those similar words, "there is always something rotten in the air", everything became crystalline. "Of course," I thought, "there are always music and something rotten in the air because we all are living in our own grave". And that grave is society.

42 - Moebius: Empire Rising:  What exactly is my destiny?

Destiny is about the future. What will I be doing? With whom?  Where? In sum, who I will be? Destiny is fate, ergo, it belongs to the realm of what remains uncertain. And uncertainty is a powerful emotion. It makes us anxious, restless, frightened. That's the reason why we keep asking the question to ourselves, even if we do it out loud in front of one of our peers. The question is aimed at us and we already know we can't answer it. But we keep trying, in the fond hope that its reverberation echoes through our daily life anxieties and helps us to overcome the deep feel of uncertainty that once was shallow but now is almost unbearable. What has this to do with sociology? Almost everything. A sociologist is, among other things but mainly, a tracker of destinies. The problem is we are better tracking actors' past and present destinies than the future ones. The real destinies are for fortune-tellers, prophets, groundhogs, meteorologists, peasants and, sometimes, for deputy directors and ministers for pensions.   

43 - Arma III:  Keep landing zone clear at all times

There are several reasons why we should keep a landing zone clear at all times. The main reason, though, seems to be pretty obvious: to avoid uncomfortable encounters between aircraft and whatever might be on the landing zone. However, the command falls into a paradox. If the landing zone must be clear at all times, how are aeroplanes and helicopters supposed to land on the designated area? In case they touched down, they would be occupying the landing zone and, here's the paradox, it wouldn't be clear anymore. Therefore, the landing zone is both a physical space where aircraft land and a symbolic one where there is the possibility of aircraft landing. When an actual plane lands, it uses the physical space, fulfilling (and destroying temporarily) the potentiality of the symbolic space. The social is quite similar, physical and symbolic at the same time, and full of paradoxes that sustain the fundamental fabric of what we call society, identity, meaning or individuality. Hence, keep the ground of the social clear at all times but don't forget to always occupy it as well.

44 - Catachresis: If only you were not under that veil

If only you were not under that veil. If only you were not so far away. In only you were not underground. If only you were not on the other side. If only you were not occupied. If only you were not afraid. If only you were not married. If only you were not a policeman. If only you were not dead. If only you were not saying if only at all times. All these are wishes that yearn for a particular reality to be different. They all have in common that are enunciated using a negative structure, wishing that things were not as they are right now. This reminds me of all those sociologists who are always projecting their wishes over reality, trying to get rid of those aspects they interpret as being a nuisance for their work. The most common metaphor used is that of the veil. These sociologists insist on unveiling what is behind the mask, erasing the layer that distorts the truth hidden by reality. It is surprising how these scholars haven't found yet that there is nothing beneath the veil; that reality is wide open and available to whomever wants to have a look.

45 - Injustice: God Among Us:  But Let's think bigger
There is a global tendency in the circles of self-help gurus that encourage us to think always bigger. We live our meaningless and aimless lives without knowing that we could (and should) think bigger. Escape from one of Weber's worst fears, the iron cage in which we are confined nowadays. It might not be the Kafkaesque bureaucratic nightmare that he envisaged in his The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (2003), too far to foresee the havoc created by financial capitalism and its neoliberal political rationalities, but it is still a symbolic prison, in the end, the worst kind of jail for an individual. Then, we think bigger, but after doing so, we are still inside the cage. What did we do wrong? Well, just focusing on the bigger picture is not enough. Sometimes it's good to think bigger; we must know the things that surround us can only be explained by other things that are somewhere else both in space and time. However, we should also think smaller: the iron cage exit is not beyond its bars, it's closer than we think, in the details. Those details that explain and make possible those big ideas. Once you master how to think bigger and smaller at the same time, only then, you will be free.

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The normalisation of video gaming

Edited June 2019: as the 2014 ESA report has been removed from their website, I included the closest report available (2015) and changed the data accordingly. Thanks to Anna Gryshko for making me aware of this.

Today, I'm going to back up my hypothesis on the existence of a growing video game culture crunching some numbers that show how the act of video gaming is becoming a normalised activity.


One of the most notable indications that hints there is more than an incipient video game culture is the increasing numbers of people playing video games. It seems that more and more individuals, of different backgrounds, ages and gender, are becoming players (or at least have played once in their lives). Two examples of groups of population that are not usually linked to the generalised representations of video gamers can help me to introduce the debate.

In the first one, Egenfeldt-Nielsen et al. consider that the number of 'people who have never played a video game, from first graders to retirees, seem to be inexorably dwindling' (2008: 134). They illustrate their affirmation with a New York Times article in which the author (Schiesel, 2007) explains how video games are being regularly played in compounds for retirees. A generation of people who did not grow up in a world where video games existed - not at least as a cultural relevant phenomenon - is entering in the dynamic of playing video games.

The second example emphasises the fact that women play more video games than men. Historically, research done in the 1980s and 1990s have suggested that women have been marginalised as video gamers (Crawford, 2012: 53), but in the last years it seems to have changed dramatically. The Guardian published the main findings of the research conducted by the Internet Advertising Bureau (IAB) in the UK (Stuart, 2014), where they assert that women account for the 52% of gamers.

These two snapshots of how more people are playing video games regardless of their demographics, convey the idea that video gaming is not a subculture anymore and has become mainstream culture. 

This growing tendency of video game culture sneaking into Western society households seems to be confirmed by more recent surveys. According to the Essential Facts about the Computer and Video Game Industry report of 2015 produced by the Entertainment Software Association (ESA), the most important video game industry association in the United States, the 42% of Americans play video games. In their report they also state that the 51% of American households own a dedicated game console. Other data of interest shows that the average game player is 35 years old, 44% of gamers are women, and 44% of video gamers are over the age of 35.

If we turn now to the data gathered by the UK Interactive Entertainment (Ukie), the principal video game industry association in the UK, it shows similar figures for the British households. In their UK Video Games Fact Sheet of 2014, which draws on various research reports from different sources, Ukie estimates that 55% of the United Kingdom population plays video games. Depending on the source cited, the distribution of male players and female players in the UK varies between 55% males-45% females and 48% males-52% females.

All the data points to the same facts: around half of people in Western countries play video games, the number of women who play games is almost the same as men, and even those who were not socialised in a video game culture have started to play video games. That would be the general portrait of video gamers, which quantitatively corroborates the hypothesis of an existing and growing video game culture. 

However, the brush strokes are so vaguely defined that there is still a great deal of detail missed in that data. Not only do they tend to miss information about who plays what video game on what device - although in fairness some of the reports provide partial data on those issues, but there is also a lack of elaboration on critical aspects of their research. For instance, they define a video gamer as someone who has just played at least once in the last year or in the last six months. This approach quickly overlooks what the implications of that assumption in terms of identity and community construction are. This will be a topic which I will come back to in the future, because it directly affects the controversy about what a video gamer is and who belongs to the community of gamers.

In any case, those are not the only concerns that can be raised against this data. The fact that the ‘original sources are often poorly referenced’ (Crawford, 2012: 51) and that they seem to mix the information from different reports without taking into account the methodological differences between them does not help to figure out how to weight their importance and reliability. Being representatives of the video game industry, these organisations are expected to ‘convey a very particular image of video gaming as normal, social and healthy pursuit’ (Crawford, 2012: 51). In contrast, it can be argued that these organisations seek to accurately represent video gamers because they want to provide the best information for marketing reasons.

Even if the information selected is biased to stress the most spectacular figures in order to give a certain impression of the product they are trying to sell, it is still a valid information that tells us how video game culture has burst into our contemporary societies. Whether this is caused by the rise of new kinds of video games and platforms (the so called casual games, to be played on browsers, consoles like Nintendo Wii or Ouya, mobile phones and tablets) as it has been suggested by authors like Jesper Juul (2010) or by any other factors, the fact is the normalisation of video games and video gaming in our society is now an unavoidable reality:
Video games are becoming normal (...). The rise of casual games is the end of that small historical anomaly of the 1980s and 1990s when video games were played only by only a small part of the population (Juul, 2010: 20).
This is what Juul considers a casual revolution among the world of video games, which in the last years have reached - and keep reaching - a broader audience. The definitions of hardcore gamers and casual gamers will be deal with in other blog entries in order to explain how identities of video gamers are constructed, but it is important to recognise that the expansion of the universe of video games and video gamers is fundamental to understanding the constitution of video game culture: ‘Video games are fast becoming games for everyone’ (Juul, 2010: 152). And if video games are for everyone, that means they are an essential part of our society and not just a subset of it: 
Certainly some gamers do seem to belong to a culture distinct from mainstream society. The term subculture, however, is too limited to adequately explain the broader world of games and game players that currently exists (Consalvo, 2007: 3).
All in all, the emergence and consolidation of video game culture in contemporary societies may be best reflected, though not solely, by the inexorable growth of different people playing video games regardless of their age, gender or social status. It is one of the most notable characteristics of this video game culture and is an important evidence of its normalisation in today’s world.

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